Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10397/24959
Title: Focus intervention effects in Mandarin multiple wh-questions
Authors: Li, H
Cheung, CCH 
Keywords: Association with focus
Feature-sharing view of Agree
Focus intervention effects
Mandarin
Multiple wh-questions
Relativized minimality
Issue Date: Nov-2015
Publisher: Springer
Source: Journal of East Asian linguistics, Nov. 2015, v. 24, no. 4, p. 361-382 How to cite?
Journal: Journal of East Asian linguistics 
Abstract: In this paper, we investigate focus intervention effects in Mandarin multiple wh-questions, showing that such effects arise only if a focus particle and its focus associate intervene between the interrogative complementizer C[Q] and one or more in-situ wh-phrases. We further show that focus intervention effects are not observed when a focus particle takes all the in-situ wh-phrases in its c-command domain as its focus associates. Adopting Pesetsky and Torrego's (in: Karimi et al. (eds.) Phrasal and clausal architecture: Syntactic derivation and interpretation, in honor of Joseph E. Emonds, 2007) feature-sharing view of Agree, we propose that the dependency between C[Q] and an in-situ wh-phrase can be reduced to an Agree relation. In addition, adopting Rizzi’s (in: Belletti (ed.), Structures and beyond: The cartography of syntactic structures, 2004) refined version of Relativized Minimality, we propose that focus intervention effects are induced by the presence of a Focus Phrase that prohibits C[Q] from establishing proper dependencies with the in-situ wh-phrases.
URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10397/24959
ISSN: 0925-8558
EISSN: 1572-8560
DOI: 10.1007/s10831-015-9134-1
Rights: © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2015
The following publication Li, H., & Cheung, C. C. H. (2015). Focus intervention effects in Mandarin multiple wh-questions. Journal of East Asian Linguistics, 24(4), 361-382 is available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10831-015-9134-1. The final publication is available at link.springer.com
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